Owing to the Kurdish initiative, the perspective has changed from one that simply blamed those who participated in the rebellions to one that questions the role of those who suppressed the rebellions. While scholars and historians concede that examining the mistakes of those who acted on behalf of the regime instead of questioning the regime itself was a correct move, they underline that opening archives is the only way to conclude the debates.
Speaking to Sunday’s Zaman, Professor Ali Arslan, a lecturer in the department of history at İstanbul University who specializes in the history of the Turkish Republic said: “It is understandable from the debates that no one has a problem with the republic or the regime today and no one is debating Atatürk. They are debating other leaders from that period. That is an indicator that we are conducting debates on solid ground. But these debates will consist of nothing but stories until the Republic Archives are opened for examination. Those archives need to be opened at once. But there are some people who are showing resistance to them being opened.”
Those who were negatively affected by the system top the list of people that find the debate sparked by Öymen’s comment very beneficial. Alevi, Kurdish and religious groups argue that the policies applied during that time must be questioned. Democratic Society Party (DTP) deputy Akın Birdal, talking to Sunday’s Zaman, explained that discussions on the Kurdish initiative in the Turkish Parliament on Nov. 13 were a turning point in the history of the republic and added that “the CHP’s real intentions and the model of Turkey it envisioned was exposed during that meeting. It turned into a confession of the views that were hidden by that mentality until now. They were virtually caught red-handed. Turkey saw what that mentality has done to the country. A major democratic reflex manifested after this event. The retributive and oppressive mentality started to be condemned. The authoritarian muscle against human rights, democracy and the culture of coexistence started to decay. It was like a crystal shattering into pieces. The continuation of the debate in this way will benefit Turkey.”
But there are some people who believe that raking the past up will not benefit Turkey and argue that the events should be evaluated with from the perspective of the time period. Speaking to Sunday’s Zaman, Democratic Left Party (DSP) İzmir deputy Recai Birgün accepted that Öymen made a huge mistake and gaffe, but said: “I do not think this debate is right. They’ve turned it into a lynching campaign. The events should be assessed in their own context. Raking over old wounds will have no benefits for anyone. We can’t even bring to light the events that took place in 2001. It will be much harder to bring to light the events from the past. The effort to confess to our past will harm, not benefit, Turkey.”
Foreign countries realized that they could achieve their goals concerning the Ottoman Empire by aggravating ethnic differences. Christian components of the empire were the first ones mobilized to fight for independence. The emergence of 28 United Nations-registered states in the living space of the empire as of today is enough to understand how great the plan was. Many Balkan countries obtained their freedom through the scope of this plan.
Foreign states later made various promises to different ethnicities, although the ethnicities were all of the Muslim faith. The living space of the Ottoman Empire, which had territory on four continents, was limited to just the inner countryside of Anatolia. When Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who refused the plan, and his comrades decided to establish the republic with young members of the Ottoman Empire, the same forces started exerting great efforts to collapse the Ottoman left-over republic.
It is for this reason that the first years of the republic were filled with rebellions, mandatory settlement laws and incidents of bloody suppression. History books have always described those who revolted as “traitors” who cooperated with foreign powers. Everyone else was declared obscurant, reactionary or an enemy of the republic. For years the children and even the grandchildren of the people who attempted to start the rebellions were labeled “enemies of the state” and were excluded from the state administration.
With the acceleration of the European Union process, which was encouraged after the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) came to power, Turkey could no longer ignore the demands for more democracy, more freedom and more human rights. This process’s most important feature was the return to the debate on the early years of the republic. Even though opposition parties consider this debate to be a questioning of the republic’s regime, recent polls shows that the Turkish people do not have a problem with the republic and democracy, but want the mistakes made by the guardians of the republic and regime to be investigated. Historians also concede that it is proper to question not the regime itself, but those who act on behalf of the regime. But since every truth cannot always be told, those who argue that the facts should be uncovered continue to be accorded labels such as traitor, obscurant-reactionary, collaborator or imperialist.
The facts that have been exposed within the scope of the Ergenekon investigation reveal that the “armed and civilian children” of the republic that became the guardians of the regime, planned in the name of protecting the regime. The trials in Silivri also reveal the views certain powers had of the people in the name of protecting and defending the country. In fact, it seems like that outlook has not changed in 86 years. Generations changed, but the ideas of the guardians of the regime did not.
Republic was a rebellion, too
The young Turkish Republic, which was born from the ashes of the Ottoman Empire, was actually the work of a handful of Ottoman officers who resisted the imperialist powers. It was very natural for there to be reactions to this new republic because for years the neglected Anatolian lands were used by the Ottoman Empire solely as a military depot. Everyone knew that there was a group of people there that could be both manipulated and deceived. The people who worked to instill the republic’s regime and reforms in the minds of the people knew this fact as well, yet they tried to impose their ideas on the people anyway. While the people voluntarily protected their new state in the early years of the republic, they turned into regime enemies because of the worsening practices of the republic’s administrators.
What happened in the early years of the republic? Even historians can not answer this question because even though 80 years has passed, the regime’s guardians refuse to open the archives pertaining to the early years of the republic. Those who want the archives opened are declared criminals. Hence, information about the events in the early years comprises theses written in history books by official historians and the stories told by people that listened to their grandparents talk about the events of that time. But there is no opportunity to compare the two and determine which is correct. Likewise, although some foreign historians recently claimed the Soviet Union had a hand in the Dersim events, it can not be proved.
Resettlement laws provoked rebellions
Despite external actors having played a role in the breakout of the rebellions in the eastern part of Turkey, the role of the public inspectors equipped with extensive authority by the government should also be considered. The reports drafted by these inspectors led to introduction of harsh measures against the local people in the region. These reports mostly recommended the resettlement of the people. Public inspectors remained active until 1952 when the Democrat Party (DP) administration abolished the position.
The introduction of 11 resettlement laws since 1925 is sufficient to prove the eagerness of the government to disperse the local people in the region. It was interesting to note that the first resettlement bill was introduced in the aftermath of the Sheik Said insurgency and the assassination attempt against Atatürk. The local names referring to a certain ethnic identity in the region were changed to Turkish following the introduction of the bill on the adoption of new family names.
Oppression and rebellions prevalent in early years of republic
Official records note that 16 insurgencies erupted in eastern Turkey; İsmet İnönü always played the leading role in the suppression of the rebellions. The most important insurgencies include the following:
Koçgiri Rebellion: It was the first insurgency against the republican regime in 1921; Alişan Bey, the leader of the Koçgiri clan, masterminded the rebellion which erupted in Sivas and Erzincan. Atatürk attempted to change Alişan Bey’s mind by noting that the new republic actually embraced the Kurds as well. While he accepted Atatürk’s offer to become a Sivas deputy at first, Alişan Bey subsequently decided to lead a rebellion, believing that he might create an autonomous Kurdish government. The administration sought to address the insurgency by appointing its leaders to some governmental posts. However, the rebels captured and subsequently executed Maj. Halis Bey, who went to there to suppress the insurgency. Atatürk also assigned Topal Osman to repress the rebellion. Osman, who was held responsible for the murder of Trabzon deputy Ali Şükrü Bey, suppressed the rebellion in three months. Families of the rebels argued that some 4,000 rebels were killed during the entire operation; however, official records note that this figure is around 500.
Nasturi Rebellion: On Aug. 7, 1924, the Nasturis launched a movement of independence. The Nasturis were part of a community that fought against the Ottoman Empire in World War I. During the insurgency, British warplanes aided the rebels by bombing the Turkish front. The insurgency that erupted at a time when the Mosul issue was about to turn into a row between Turkey and Britain started with the murder of two Turkish soldiers. Three hundred and fifty Turkish troops, including Capt. İhsan Nuri and lieutenants Hurşit, Rasim and Tevfik joined the rebels to fight against Turkish army. The British, in addition to aiding the rebels, issued a notice asking for the operations to cease. On Sept. 26, 1926, the rebellion was broken by Turkish soldiers. The Nasturis who had to flee the country asked for the protection of the British in Iraq. Official historians barely make reference to this rebellion; the troops who survived the suppression of the rebellion also took part in the Ağrı Rebellion.
Sheik Said Rebellion: The Sheik Said Rebellion, which allegedly erupted because of the abolishment of caliphate, is viewed as a reactionary movement by official historians. However, the insurgency actually started with an attempt by the state gendarmerie to arrest men loyal to Sheik Said in Piran, Diyarbakır. On Feb. 13, 1925, the rebels raided Genç, Bingöl, where they took the governor and other officials hostage. In the aftermath of the attack on Diyarbakır, Atatürk replaced Ali Fethi Bey with İsmet İnönü as prime minister, who declared state of emergency in the region. Two additional military courts were established in Diyarbakır; the insurgency was suppressed on March 26; and Sheik Said was captured in Varto. Seyit Abdülkadir and 12 of his companions were arrested because of the aid they extended to the insurgency. Sheik Said and 47 of his men along with Seyit Abdülkadir with five of his companions were executed. Atatürk, who intended to initiate the transition to a multiparty political system, shut down the opposition party on the pretext that the party supported the insurgency.
Ağrı Rebellion: The Ağrı Rebellion is known for its impact on the change of the border between Turkey and Iran. This was actually a series of insurgencies that erupted in 1926, 1927 and 1930 respectively. The Kurdish groups that lost influence and power after the suppression of the Sheik Said Rebellion decided to launch a new campaign against the Turkish Republic at the Kurdish National Convention in 1927. The Celali, Horman, Cibran and Boyduran clans launched a new insurgency campaign in Mount Ararat. The military took action against the rebels on May 15, 1926; however, the Turkish troops failed.
The government initiated a new operation on Sept. 10, 1927; many rebels were killed in the operation. The rebels declared the establishment of a government on the mountain and asked for the support of the local people. The administration declared amnesty for some rebels previously sent into exile; however, the measure did not succeed. In consideration of the support for the rebels by the local people, the government decided to resettle the local residents. In 1930, the rebels declared Ağrı a separate state. This time the government launched aerial attacks. A deal was reached with Iran to exchange lands in an attempt to prevent the escape of the rebels onto Iranian soil in the aftermath of every attack. On Sept. 25, 1930, the insurgency was suppressed. The death toll during the operations reached 5,000.
Koçuşağı Rebellion: Kör Seyit Han, the leader of the Koçuşağı clan, rejected the authority of the state and launched an insurgency in Sivas and Erzincan in 1926. The government, which cooperated with the other clans in the region, initiated an operation to suppress the rebellion; the campaign started on Oct. 4, 1926, and lasted through to Dec. 1, 1926. The rebellion was suppressed and 140 insurgents were killed. Mustafa Muğlalı, who led the operation, was convicted of killing 33 Kurds who crossed the Turkish border.
Dersim Rebellion: Atatürk paid the utmost attention to the support of the Dersim Alevis during the foundation of the republic. The Alevis, who had experienced oppression by the Ottoman authorities, supported Atatürk’s actions and moves. In return, he recognized their right to representation in Parliament. The Alevis were particularly pleased with subsequent moves including the abolishment of the caliphate, the lifting of the religious affairs office and the introduction of a secular legal system.
The Alevis’ problems with the new republic became apparent with the eruption of the Koçgiri Rebellion. They were particularly concerned about the resettlement bills, the first of which was introduced in 1925. The Alevis parted ways with the republican regime when a law shutting down religious lodges, including those attended by Alevis, was enacted. The followers of the Alevi faith no longer had any place to perform their religious duties and rituals. The Dersim Rebellion broke out in 1937, one year after the Dersim Resettlement Bill.
The Alevis came together under the leadership of Seyit Rıza to discuss the issue. All soldiers at an outpost in Dersim were killed in an attack; 20,000 troops under the command of Gen. Abdullah Alpdoğan were deployed to the region to fight against 6,000 rebels. The insurgency was suppressed, and Rıza and six of his supporters were executed in Elazığ. Rıza’s body was buried in an unknown location. Following the insurgency, the name of Dersim was changed to Tunceli. The Dersim Resettlement Bill was introduced in 1936 and remained in effect up until 1947. According to unofficial records, 40,000 were killed and 206 villages were evacuated during the insurgency. Thirty thousand families were sent to exile in other parts of Turkey.
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