Islamism vs. AK Party
 
 
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22 May 2013 Wednesday
 
 
 
 
 
 
Columnists 29 July 2012, Sunday 2 0 0 0
MÜMTAZER TÜRKÖNE
m.turkone@todayszaman.com

Islamism vs. AK Party

There has been a debate taking place in the Zaman daily on the separation between the Justice and Development Party (AK Party) and Turkish Islamism. Zaman columnist Ali Bulaç brought up the topic.

I objected to his argument and the issue grew into a debate. Etyen Mahçupyan wrote two articles that composed a very serious part of this debate. On the other side of the topic, in this very same paper, is Bülent Keneş. He wrote an analysis that drew the borders of the debate. Yesterday’s Islamists are an important part of the AK Party’s capabilities. If 30 years ago you had asked about the political identity of symbolic positions like the president, prime minister and foreign minister, you probably would have received the reply, “Islamist.” Today, none of them are Islamists. It is not only them; there is almost no movement left in Turkey which describes itself as Islamist and has somewhat of a tradition rooted in the past.

The “anti-capitalist Islamists,” which appeals to the void in the left and is represented by İhsan Eliaçık, constitutes an exception as it is an ideological tradition that recently started to form.

Where have the Islamists of the past gone? How has Islamism as a mainstream ideology evaporated and disappeared? For the future fortunes of countries like Egypt, Tunisia and the Islamist Arab Spring, a true answer to this question is very important.

Yes, where have they gone? In Turkey there is a very clear, speculated response to this question: They became the leading powers. Yesterday’s Islamists are today’s powerbrokers. When Islamism, whose oppositional stance weighed heavy, came to power, it naturally lost its oppositional characteristics. When nothing survived, its essence was no more.

Yesterday’s radical opposition captured the state which they used to oppose. Now they are directing the state and speaking in its name. There are two important results of being in possession of the state. The first is the boon of power that they won along with the government. And the second is the feeling of responsibility that came with confronting realpolitik.

Wealth distribution accomplished by the economic power of a state like Turkey, a country with many rich tools at its disposal, is the first result. This explains an important part of the radical change of the Islamists.

In the criticism coming “from inside” the AK Party against its power, a four-worded process can be summarized with ironic language. The four words all begin with an “M” in Turkish: mujahid (mücahit), observer (müşahit), opportune (müsait) and entrepreneur (müteahhit). Yesterday’s Islamists are not only in politics but are Turkey’s economic elite as well. Those who were identified as Islamists 30 years ago are controlling full-scale capital.

Secondly, it explains the change in the political elite. To be in power means to take responsibility for directing the country peacefully. This responsibility rubs away all radical qualities. Just as the naughtiest children are chosen as class representatives in schools, the sharpest opponents are given the responsibility to direct the country.

There is an important consequence stemming from the Islamists in the political system; by owning their responsibilities and making use of the benefits from being in power, the party came to be in this moderate state, and this consequence exceeds the Islamists. The political system that experienced a crisis of legality was able to re-establish its legality in a powerful way by bringing Islamists into the system. Today, there is a state with increased legitimacy before Kurds. The AK Party has paid for the power it took from the state by way of consolidating the state.

Bulaç is one of Turkey’s leading Islamist ideologues. He sees the period in which Islam lost its influence as a period of degeneration. But in his hands he holds no tools to resurrect Islamism. The AK Party presented the government with all such tools in exchange for the power which it took over. Mahçupyan, on the other hand, describes this process as the AK Party’s new agreement with the state by way of new alliances and deals. In any case, will this speedy transformation undergone by the Islamists in Turkey not give clear advice for the near future of the Islamists coming to power in Egypt and Tunisia?

Columnists Previous articles of the columnist
20 May 2013
‘Pan-Islamic thought in Turkey'
19 May 2013
The Syrian agenda
13 May 2013
Reyhanlı calculations
12 May 2013
New phase of politics
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AK Party's presidential system tactic
5 May 2013
The colors of Central Asia
29 April 2013
Winds of ‘ijma' beginning to pick up speed
28 April 2013
The peace plan
22 April 2013
Turkish separatism
21 April 2013
MHP’s resistance chips away at an opportunity
15 April 2013
Alevi Kurds' problem
14 April 2013
Is violence on the rise in universities?
8 April 2013
What do the Turks say in this all?
7 April 2013
Blessings, both given and received
1 April 2013
What does the public think?
31 March 2013
Political parties’ test with negotiation process
25 March 2013
The presidential system in chess terms
24 March 2013
A fresh start
18 March 2013
What does the MHP think?
17 March 2013
What will be the status of Kurds?
11 March 2013
Coups and negotiations
10 March 2013
Expectations
4 March 2013
What will happen if peace is attained in Turkey?
3 March 2013
The leak
25 February 2013
‘A new era has begun'
24 February 2013
How will peace come?
18 February 2013
As the Ergenekon case winds down
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The generals who are in prison
11 February 2013
Pardoning coup perpetrators politically
10 February 2013
The fourth judicial reform package
4 February 2013
High hopes
3 February 2013
Turkish and Kurdish nationalisms
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AK Party's election calculations
27 January 2013
Which way will the CHP go: left or right?
21 January 2013
Who seeks to vindicate the coup perpetrators?
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Do the Kurds want a state?
14 January 2013
Post-solution Turkey
13 January 2013
What will Iran do?
7 January 2013
Open negotiations with Öcalan
6 January 2013
Feb. 28 case is like a good action flick
31 December 2012
Political puzzle for 2013
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As 2012 comes to an end: MHP and BDP
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As 2012 nears end: CHP
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War over constitutions in Arab Spring countries
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As the Ergenekon myth comes to an end
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Turkey-Egypt: Islamism to what extent?
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The politics of feeling
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Counter revolution in Egypt
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End of coups
26 November 2012
‘Magnificent’ politics
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Öcalan’s rise
19 November 2012
The Egypt-Turkey axis and Israel
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Politics and the death penalty
12 November 2012
After Atatürk
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Have the hunger strikes served their purpose?
5 November 2012
Enemies of the MHP
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MHP, just like it was
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Owners of the republic
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Democracy settles in Tunisia
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The anatomy of a coup
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The will of Said Nursi
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President and party ties
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As Turkey confronts coups: past and present
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The new AK Party
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23 September 2012
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Islam and violence
16 September 2012
Secularism consensus in new constitution
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Signs of softening
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Will immunities be lifted for the BDP?
3 September 2012
Turkey’s Syria reality
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The front Syria is opening in Turkey
27 August 2012
Can negotiations with the PKK begin again?
26 August 2012
The PKK’s total war
19 August 2012
Peace for war
13 August 2012
The Ergenekon organization in Egypt
12 August 2012
Could Iran win?
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5 August 2012
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Islamism vs. AK Party
23 July 2012
Apolitical manifestations of religiosity
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What was changed by the CHP party convention?
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Delayed justice
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What is happening with the AK Party?
9 July 2012
Is Davutoğlu Enver Jr.?
8 July 2012
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2 July 2012
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Why are special courts being abolished?
25 June 2012
Morsi’s victory
24 June 2012
What does the PKK want?
18 June 2012
Who will become president?
17 June 2012
Will the Kurdish issue be solved?
11 June 2012
Is there judicial tutelage?
10 June 2012
Is a solution possible without the MHP?
4 June 2012
Reaching compromise with coup supporters
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Revenge
...