Rethinking Afghanistan: Azerbaijan's humanitarian and economic assistance
 
 
  |  
  |  
  |  
  |  
RSS
  |  
  |  
  |  
18 June 2013 Tuesday
 
 
 
 
 
 
Columnists 17 January 2012, Tuesday 4 0 0 0
ZAUR SHIRIYEV
z.shiriyev@todayszaman.com

Rethinking Afghanistan: Azerbaijan's humanitarian and economic assistance

In the run-up to the US presidential elections, President Barack Obama's success (of sorts) in Afghanistan looks increasingly likely, notably with regard to the clampdown on al-Qaeda last year via the elimination of Osama bin Laden.

But even in light of the planned total withdrawal of American troops, the expansion of transit routes in and out of Afghanistan is still critical to US interests. All combat troops are scheduled to leave the country by 2014, provided that Afghan forces are ready to take over, and for these reasons both US and NATO forces are highly sensitive to any threat to the transit process. Thus, the US is looking for more help from the Afghan supply spur in the Caucasus; Azerbaijan and Georgia will play a key role in supporting the stabilization process in Afghanistan as well as providing transit routes.

While Azerbaijan has played a certain role as part of the Caucasus supply route, it has retained a broadly cautious approach in its interactions with NATO's International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission in Afghanistan. Nonetheless, as far as Baku is concerned, the use of Azerbaijani territory in the supply route to Afghanistan underscores its strategic position as a gateway to Central Asia, as well as its support for the struggle against international terrorism. The participation of Azerbaijan and Georgia in the Afghan peacekeeping mission following 9/11 strengthened their sovereignty and independence; forging links with major powers outside of the neighborhood has proved valuable in this geopolitically complex environment.

Since the start of the war, tens of thousands of military flights to Afghanistan have passed through Azerbaijani airspace, according to Donald Rumsfeld, former US Secretary of Defense. An estimated 100,000 troops flew through Azerbaijani airspace in 2010 alone. The crash of an Azerbaijani cargo plane headed for the US-led NATO mission in Afghanistan on July 5, 2010, served as a reminder of Azerbaijan's contribution not only in terms of its troops on the ground, but also its civilian presence through ground transportation and airspace. Furthermore, in recent years, Azerbaijan has attempted to contribute to the stabilization of Afghanistan in other ways, such as education, combating terrorism, etc. At the International Foreign Ministers' Conference on Afghanistan held in Bonn, Germany, on Dec. 5, Azerbaijani Minister of Foreign Affairs Elmar Mammadyarov emphasized Baku's new strategies in the Afghan stabilization: “Azerbaijan is contributing to non-military cooperation with Afghanistan. Practical projects are being implemented to train civilians and servicemen in Afghanistan. The Azerbaijani National Agency for Mine Action (ANAMA) held mine-clearance training for Afghan specialists in both Afghanistan and Azerbaijan.” This action illustrates how over the past 10 years Azerbaijan has moved from being just a transit country to participating actively in the stabilization process. The government in Baku has also announced its readiness to participate in projects such as anti-drug trafficking.

Now, Azerbaijan's increasing importance in Afghanistan is dependent on two factors:

First of all, Karachi, Pakistan, the port considered to be the main supply route for NATO forces in Afghanistan was blocked by the Pakistani government on Nov. 26, 2011, following a NATO air strike. Additionally, this route was at risk during the aftermath of the elimination of Osama bin Laden.

Secondly, NATO is becoming increasingly dependent on the Northern Distribution Network (NDN), which goes in two directions. NDN North starts in Latvia and crosses through Russia-Kazakhstan-Uzbekistan. This route is expensive as well as risky; in November, Moscow's NATO envoy, Dmitry Rogozin, declared that Russia would block the route if NATO failed to compromise on its missile defense plans. Dependence on this route is therefore ill-advised. The potential termination of the NDN North route leaves NDN South, which runs from Georgia and Azerbaijan to the Afghan-Uzbek border.

Following the Azerbaijani foreign minister's December 2011 declaration regarding Azerbaijan's vision for Afghanistan, Commander of the US Transportation Command Gen. William Fraser, visited Baku to thank Azerbaijan for its role in providing transit for US and NATO troops in Afghanistan.

Baku is committed to pursuing humanitarian issues in Afghanistan and doesn't want to be known as the US' partner in intelligence and security issues due to the fragile situation in region. At the end of December 2011, NATO asked Azerbaijan and Georgia for the use of their airspace for flying Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) planes to Afghanistan. Georgia said yes; Azerbaijan said no, which gave rise to discussion in the international media about its commitment. I would argue here that Azerbaijan does not like to appear to be providing intelligence to foreign powers or making its resources available for intelligence gathering.

Meanwhile, South Caucasus experts have been discussing Russia's maneuvering. If Moscow closes its borders, the NDN North route will cease to function; will this provide an opportunity for economic diversification by means of transit fees for Georgia and Azerbaijan? In this case, there will be a chance to open up trade links between Georgia, Azerbaijan and Afghanistan, as well as to increase leverage for future integration into NATO.

World Trade Organization (WTO) statistics show that increased traffic through the NDN South route could provide economic benefits for both Georgia and Azerbaijan. According to these statistics, Georgia has seen an increase in import and export transportation, while Azerbaijan has seen an increase in import transportation. Thus, Georgia and Azerbaijan could benefit if Russia decides to cut off the NDN North transit route.

In this context, Azerbaijan's support for economic and political stabilization in Afghanistan is of increasing importance, and the focus of the original mission has shifted. Today, Baku is keen to develop the education of Afghan servicemen and to support ongoing humanitarian projects, as well as to make clear its readiness to invest. It is likely that the short term outcomes will depend on other regional developments; notably, Baku will be assuming greater responsibility with regard to international security cases as a recently elected non-permanent member of the UN Security Council.

Columnists Previous articles of the columnist
16 June 2013
Azerbaijan and Russia-Armenia gas crises
9 June 2013
Interpretations of Gezi Park from the South Caucasus and Russia
30 May 2013
Azerbaijan-Georgia military cooperation and Turkey's influence (2)
29 May 2013
Azerbaijan-Georgia military cooperation and Turkey's influence (1)
27 May 2013
Russia-Azerbaijan: Understanding the dynamics behind current tensions
12 May 2013
Presidential race in Georgia: What does it mean for Georgian politics?
26 April 2013
The Boston Marathon bombings: Links to the Caucasus
19 April 2013
A crisis between Tehran and Baku: impending or imagined?
14 April 2013
Migration: A future challenge for the South Caucasus?
7 April 2013
Turkish, Azerbaijan and Georgian ‘trilateralism'
27 March 2013
Dividends for Israel-Turkey reconciliation
20 March 2013
Yerevan-Van flight: a new route to controversy?
12 March 2013
EU-Azerbaijan relations: Mapping the future dynamic
6 March 2013
Saakashvili's surprise accusations: dangerous games in the Caucasus
27 February 2013
Post-election Armenia: choices and challenges
19 February 2013
Does Russia need ‘soft power'?
12 February 2013
Four myths behind end of Russia's military presence in Azerbaijan
8 February 2013
The multipolarity of US-Turkish relations
29 January 2013
Opening the Abkhaz railway: Who stands to benefit, who will lose out? (2)
23 January 2013
Opening the Abkhaz railway: Who stands to benefit, who will lose out? (1)
15 January 2013
Armenian presidential election: dynamic of one-man race
8 January 2013
Test of leadership: 100 days of Ivanishvili
6 January 2013
Ukraine's OSCE chairmanship and beyond: a battle of choices
25 December 2012
2012: The top stories across the Caucasus
19 December 2012
Four hours in Geneva: a Russian-Georgian thaw?
11 December 2012
The fog of war in the Caucasus: 3 scenarios
6 December 2012
Syrian conflict: Russian roulette or Turkish ‘Patriot'
28 November 2012
Bleak future for Nagorno-Karabakh: resolution in stasis
20 November 2012
Islam in Azerbaijan: unity and diversity
13 November 2012
The second term: What does it mean for the Caucasus?
8 November 2012
Soviet nostalgia: Moscow's human rights reports
31 October 2012
The US election: foreign policy debates and the South Caucasus
23 October 2012
Knowns and unknowns in post-election Georgia (2)
16 October 2012
Knowns and unknowns in post-election Georgia (1)
9 October 2012
Operation CSTO: Moscow in Eurasia
4 October 2012
The battle over red lines and deadlines
25 September 2012
Military exercises in the Caucasus: Political anxieties revealed
21 September 2012
Georgian election: assumptions, power balance and scenarios (2)
18 September 2012
Georgian elections: assumptions, power balance and scenarios (1)
11 September 2012
Turkish-Azerbaijan relations: beyond mottos
4 September 2012
Turbulent North Caucasus: What risks lie southwards?
28 August 2012
Is Ukraine looking East, saying no to the West?
21 August 2012
Uzbekistan's foreign policy: positive neutrality or zigzagging?
15 August 2012
Earthquake, diplomacy and Iran
7 August 2012
New and old media: trends in the South Caucasus
31 July 2012
A Caucasian song plays in Syria
24 July 2012
Russia pushes for Eurasian integration across former Soviet states
17 July 2012
Russia-Turkey: Jeopardy in Mideast
11 July 2012
The role of the EU in the Caucasus: ‘Zero problems’ directive?
3 July 2012
The Caspian conundrum of TANAP
26 June 2012
Georgia without 'Misha’?
19 June 2012
Dilemmas of peace and war
12 June 2012
Clinton's visit to the Caucasus
5 June 2012
The South Caucasus -- visions for 2018
29 May 2012
NATO’s Chicago summit: consequences for the Caucasus
22 May 2012
Nabucco -- shorter and shorter?
15 May 2012
Putin's return: a déjà vu presidency? (2)
8 May 2012
Putin's return: a déjà vu presidency? (1)
1 May 2012
A new dawn for US-Azerbaijan relations?
24 April 2012
The EU and the Caucasus: navigating the course of integration
18 April 2012
Azerbaijan-Israel: firm alliance? (2)
17 April 2012
Azerbaijan-Israel: Firm alliance? (1)
10 April 2012
Lost [in the] Middle East
3 April 2012
The Iran-Israel military sandwich
27 March 2012
Security, integration and the Caucasus
21 March 2012
The Iranian crisis: what does this mean for regional stability?
13 March 2012
Azerbaijan and Georgia: Visionary ‘Caucasian Tandem'?
6 March 2012
Gabala Radar Station: Russia's Daryal gambit
28 February 2012
‘Georgia’s Dream’: a balanced FP
22 February 2012
Seasonal revolutions: What's in a name?
14 February 2012
Forgive but not forget: justice for Khojaly
7 February 2012
Has Syria become Russia's Middle Eastern lebensraum?
31 January 2012
Turkey’s challenge to French co-chairmanship
24 January 2012
Respect for humanity in different cases
17 January 2012
Rethinking Afghanistan: Azerbaijan's humanitarian and economic assistance
10 January 2012
Georgia's national security concept: new takes on old strategies
3 January 2012
2011: The top stories across the Caucasus
27 December 2011
France's bill of intolerance: what it means for Azerbaijan
20 December 2011
Euro-skepticism in the South Caucasus
14 December 2011
Vision for peace: Two communities
9 December 2011
Inter-religious dialogue around Nagorno-Karabakh conflict
29 November 2011
Eurasia or EuRussia?
22 November 2011
Iran’s nuclear program: the view from the Caucasus
15 November 2011
Twenty years since independence
...
Bloggers