I know this might not be so strange in a country where, during the Feb. 28 postmodern coup period, the members of the Supreme Court of Appeals, the Council of State and the Constitutional Courts (except four members in the last) were briefed in the Convention Center of the General Staff, but the timing of the meeting was interesting. It was only seven days after the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) and the Democratic Left Party (DSP) filed a motion with the Constitutional Court for the annulment of Law No. 5735 on the amendment to lift the headscarf ban at universities.
And at that moment, even though we did not know it yet, Supreme Court of Appeals Chief Prosecutor Abdurrahman Yalçınkaya was preparing to file a dissolution case against the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party). The meeting must have been important because the cameras in the General Staff did not record Paksüt's stay. The Taraf daily exposed the meeting and the national media was divided into two camps. Zaman, Star, Bugün and Yeni Şafak supported Taraf's stance, while Hürriyet deliberately ignored the fact that Paksüt did a full 180 and admitted to the meeting, despite the paper's two news pieces which stated that Paksüt had rejected claims of such a meeting.
On June 14, a Radikal daily headline read “Pro-government media launches shallow campaign, psychological war in Ankara.” It was obvious that Radikal columnist Murat Yetkin was influential over Radikal Editor-in-Chief İsmet Berkan.
It was certain back then that Başbuğ would become chief of General Staff. Ten days after the meeting, a case was filed asking for the dissolution of the AK Party. We all knew that preparations for such an action were under way. Experienced journalists had been writing all about this for awhile.
Now we know from the confessions of Col. Dursun Çiçek that at the General Staff there was a propaganda war targeting the government, the Gülen movement, minorities and other opposition elements. A number of websites were launched to generate influential propaganda to undermine the image of the government and topple it, and 10 days later, Chief Prosecutor Yalçınkaya filed a dissolution case against the AK Party. The indictment drafted was based on material published on these websites. A big rock was rolled in front of the country and the civilian system. A case was opened; Paksüt and five other members voted for the dissolution of the AK Party.
Now Col. Çiçek admitted that the document on Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) propaganda websites, which was discussed over this period, was authentic. He and Gen. Hasan Iğsız are now being tried in connection with this case, along with 22 other defendants. But in fact, the case is missing the number one suspect.
One of the defendants, General Staff legal advisor Hıfzı Çubuklu, said the document, on which he also placed his initials, was referred to the chief of General Staff for approval. The chief of General Staff back then was Başbuğ.
This raises a question: Why is Başbuğ not the number one suspect in this case? Could this attempt to topple the elected government be solved independently of the number one suspect, who gave the order for the motion?
And what about the media part?
Likewise, in 2006, in the civil society motion that the Taraf daily exposed, the list of journalists, academics and civil society organizations, including retired military servicemen who supported the army, was published. The motion also included recommendations and roadmaps explaining how these groups would be manipulated to influence public opinion.
When will the corrupt journalists of Ankara reappear? Could we possibly say that guardianship is really over without clearing these mines and holding all components of this dirty war accountable?