CHP-BDP brotherhood

In other words, in one sense he was declaring that the CHP of the Kurds, the BDP, could form a coalition with the CHP of the nation. Although this convergence between these two parties may appear to be something that has occurred in the wake of Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu coming to the helm of the CHP, it in fact has not. In reality, there is a development that has become clearer and clearer in the wake of the Sept. 12 referendum, which is basically revealing all the true and brotherly ties between parties in Turkey.

The truth in fact is that the BDP and the CHP have been, since time immemorial, siblings in mentality. Both are Jacobin, both look down from on high and both are not actually secular, but secularist instead. And talk of religion can be heard from the mouths of both these parties only when they use the word “Allahaısmarladık” (I leave you in God’s care, or goodbye). Also, both the BDP and the CHP view large swaths of society as the “other.” And both parties, while appearing to be politically leftist, actually adhere to quite nationalist policies. And, more important than all of the above, both of these parties are made extremely uncomfortable with the prospect of any change to the status quo.

All of the above is why one should not be at all surprised by a coalition between the BDP and CHP. Such a coalition would be one that would make sure the current structure of the nation moved forward, with no new constitution. If this is not the case, then someone needs to explain why it is that the BDP and its extension in the mountains, the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), have whipped up such a storm in the election atmosphere in Turkey.

The truth is whenever the topic of a civilian constitution comes onto the agenda, everything gets chaotic. BDP-affiliated politicians keep making statements calculated to set the public’s nerves on edge as much as possible. Dormitories where Kurdish youth receiving a religious education stay are set on fire; Kurdish merchants are prevented from opening up their shops; and, in general, the election atmosphere is being drowned in a sea of threats, pressure and Molotov cocktails. But why? What is the objective here, and who is this all to be blamed on? Which party is meant to reap the greatest political “harvest” from this all?

We understand that you are opposed to the ruling party, as it is your competition. But are all the other parties out there not your competition as well? Along these lines, what is this friendship we are witnessing with the CHP? How do you explain pushing people to attend CHP rallies in the Southeast so that “everyone can see the crowds”? Not to mention the fact that this is the CHP we are talking about, the very party that for so many years was in the lead when it came to a mentality that boosted the rise of racism against Kurds.

As the nation heads towards the June 12 elections, we observe that the CHP has embraced a very different sort of platform of late. It talks of democracy, of human rights, even offering promises of a new constitution. It didn’t even whip up a frenzy upon the arrest of War Academies Commander Gen. Bilgin Balanlı, and went a step further, advising the military not to talk. In the large election rallies it holds secularism is not in the spotlight. But, of course, none of this means the CHP has changed. All that has changed of late is its style. Because the truth is, like the BDP, the CHP is very worried about the real possibility of change to the structure and system of the nation.

The CHP, which with the Sept. 12 referendum lost much of the support from the very same state on which it has leaned on for so long, is looking for a new path and a new style for itself. This, and nothing else, is what lies underneath all the changes we are witnessing.

In the end, the fact of the matter is that ranks who voted “no” in the Sept. 12 referendum have all joined forces in the run-up to the June 12 elections. Has anyone else noticed this?